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BANGLADESH KRISHAK SRAMIK AWAMI LEAGUE – Bongobondhu Information & Research Center

Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL) BAKSAL is the only legally recognised party of Bangladesh founded on 7 June 1975 following the Fourth Amendment to the constitution of Bangladesh. Under the Fourth Amendment (Article 117A), Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was entrusted with the responsibility of forming a new ‘national party’ which would try, on the one hand, to tackle the social, political and economicdestabilisation consequent upon the war of liberation, and on the other, reconstruct the nation from the debris of the war. Thus authorised, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman formed a national party which he named Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League. The rules of BAKSAL required all other parties and associations including various services and forces to join the national party and work unitedly in fighting corrosive forces and in rebuilding the nation. Elaborating on the various aspects, scopes and prospects of BAKSAL, Sheikh Mujib characterised it as a ‘second revolution’. In seeking national unity, the Fourth Amendment provided that no person could continue to remain a member of parliament unless he joined the national party before a time fixed by the President. BAKSAL, the new national party, was scheduled to replace officially the nation’s other politicalorganisations and associations on 1 September 1975. Many restrictive regulations coming from the BAKSAL included the promulgation of the Newspaper Ordinance (June 1975) under which the declarations of all but four state owned newspapers were annulled. Organisationally, President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the BAKSAL chairman, appointed for the national party a fifteen-member executive committee, a 115-member central committee, and five frontorganisations, namely, Jatiya Krishak League, Jatiya Sramik League, Jatiya Mahila League, Jatiya Juba League and Jatiya Chhatra League. All members of the executive committee were to enjoy the status of ministers. BAKSAL was also designed to overhaul the administrative system of the country in order to make it people-oriented.

Reforming the elitist bureaucracy was one major aim of the party. The reorganised bureaucracy under the new system was to stand on two pillars, the central committee at the national level and the administrative council at the district level. Every existing sub-division was to be turned into a district headed by an elected governor. The administrative council would comprise the members of the Parliament of the district, BAKSAL representatives, and district officials belonging to civil, police and security forces. The governor would be the chief executive of the district with deputy commissioner as his secretary. Such a scheme of local government was a complete departure from the colonial and post-colonial systems that Bangladesh had inherited. It was felt that the district governor system would destroy the vestiges of the exploitative colonial bureaucracy and bring the administration closer to the people and make independence politically and economically meaningful to them. BAKSAL also envisaged large scale nationalisation of private concerns with a view to eliminating social and economic inequalities and exploitations. In short, BAKSAL, as a system, aimed at achieving an exploitation-free and socialist economic and administrative order more or less close in spirit and contents to the systems of government in contemporary socialist countries. The new system, in fact, created a lot of misgivings and revulsion amongst the bureaucracy, army, and civil society. Many of the people who had supported Bangabandhu for his role as a democratic activist, were unhappy to see him as the champion of an authoritarian single party system. However, before the BAKSAL system was put to full operation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was brutally killed (15 August 1975) with other members of his family at his residence. BAKSAL was neither abrogated nor operational until April 1979 when it was removed from the Constitution and a multi-party system reintroduced. On 16 December 1971, a new country was born – Bangladesh. As a newborn country, Bangladesh had lots of hopes and aspirations. It was time for the “Father of the Nation” to materialize the dream that he had presented to the people. The liberation war had broken all the class barriers in the society. A great opportunity was created to forge a national unity leaving aside the age-old class differentiations. The people expected that the leaders would rise above the group and party interest and would unite the people to harness their patriotism and productivities to rebuild the war torn country to fulfill the dream of a ‘Golden Bengal’. 100 millions of Bangladeshis would find their rightful place in the world community with dignity and honour. Historical heritage, distinct self-identity, the vision of the able leadership, right direction, patriotism, sacrifices, hard work and above all united efforts of the nation could achieve cherished goal step by step with the passage of time. Creation of a progressive, happy and prosperous Bangladesh and reaching its fruits at the doorstep of every citizen would have matched with the spirit of the liberation war. The independence would have then become meaningful. But the people had already become apprehensive about the sincerity of the leadership. Our political leaders had always done much sweet-talking than actual deeds. Promises had been even greater. People have heard such for ages and got used to such empty promises. Who ever had gone to power had always failed the people. They had oppressed the people paying no heed to their demands. The isolation of the leaders from the people and their selfish interest were the main reasons for such betrayals. Our leaders mostly are alien in their own societies. That is why people are apathetic toward them. Once in power they do everything to meet their own vested interest and later justify their deeds with power and position. The people remain enslaved in the merry go round of betrayal and deception. The politicians always placed their self-interest above the interest of the nation. Even at times the country and the people became sacrificial goats to meet their greed and lust. Soon after stepping on the soil of the independent country Awami League came out with the ambiguous slogan of “Mujibbad”. After three and half years when “Mujibbad” was proven to be an empty slogan Sheikh Mujibur Rahman like any other power hungry dictator promulgated 4th amendment and took all powers in his own hand by forming one party autocratic regime of BKSAL. This unprecedented constitutional coup de’ tat was called his ‘Second Revolution’. As he usurped absolute power apparently things for a while looked calm on the surface but beneath that uneasy calm political and social conditions were fast deteriorating. The main reason for such deterioration was the presumption of the rulers that by dishing out favours and benefits rule can be perpetuated forever. They depended on this belief because of their lake of understanding of the complexities of the newly independent country. It’s problems and solutions were beyond their perception. They lacked any ideology, conviction, experience and vision. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman like other third world dictators considered his own ideas and thoughts to be the ultimate. He never cared to take any advice or suggestion from any one, other than his ‘kitchen cabinet’ composed of his family members. His all knowing attitudes were to a great extend responsible for his administrative failure. He also did not have a clear idea about the difference between party and the state. This became clear even in 1956-57 when he deferred with the then Chief Minister Mr. Ataur Rahman Khan. Mr. Khan wanted to keep the administration totally neutral. He knew that if the administration were brought under the party control then it would be difficult to run the administration efficiently. But Sheikh Mujib refuted his contention and said, “The administration has to accept party domination. Not only that administration will just help and assist the party to execute its policies, but the administration will also be helping in increasing its influence among the people”. Mr. Ataur Rahman Khan had to surrender to Sheikh Mujib as he was then considered very powerful in the party. Thus during this time Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the Minister of Commerce and Industries indulged in rampant corruption, nepotism and misuse of power. He used his power in giving out permits, licenses, bank loans, and sanction to establish industries to people who were loyal to him and his cronies. After taking over the reign of Bangladesh he started ruling the country in the same old style. Some were given money, some undue promotions, appointments as the directors of the abandoned business concerns and industries, license permits, dealerships etc. to buy support and personal loyalty. This is how only within two and half years a total anarchy was created in the economic sector. Many of his confidants were also involved in smuggling in collaboration with the Marwaris. Thus under the patronization of Awami rule a new class of ‘novo’ rich grew like mushroom. They accumulated from national resources but did not reinvest into the economic cycle. Most of their wealth was spent in non-productive sectors or transferred abroad. With these people Sheikh Mujibur Rahman wanted to establish ‘GOLDEN BENGAL’ in the country. It was really very hard to understand what he was up to? Was it his ignorance or cunning mechanization? Was it appropriate that he should place his party’s interest over the national interest? Did the nation expect that from him? It was not only his party people who got involved in rampant corruption. His immediate family members were also involved. Gazi Golam Mustfa who was a close confidant of Sheik’s family became famous as ‘Kamble Chor’ in the country for his open misappropriation of relief goods being the Chairman of the Red Cross. The donors and the international relief agencies also came to know about his malpractices. International press and media became very vocal against this notorious thief. His only brother Sheikh Naser not only garbed the abandoned properties and businesses in Khulna his hometown, but also became one of the ringleaders of the smuggling activities. All his nephews Sheikh Moni, Abul Hasnat, Sheikh Shahidul Islam not only became politically very powerful, they also amassed enormous wealth under the patronization of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. His sons, particularly Sheikh Kamal also got involved in amassing fortunes and other unethical activities such as Bank robberies. Regarding the state of corruption during Mujib’s regime, the reputed journalist Lawrence Lift Shulz wrote in the Far Eastern Economic Review on 30th Aug 1974. “Corruption and malpractices are nothing new. But Dhaka people thinks the way the corruption and malpractices and plunder of national wealth that had taken place during Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s regime is unprecedented”. It was virtually impossible for the government to gain any economic or political achievements with such loots and plunders in a newly independent war ravaged country. The looters did not plough back their ill-gotten wealth in the national economy; they spent that fortune for their luxuries and comforts. But the government had to pay heavily as its image got tarnished in the eyes of the people and the world. The government became isolated from the people. Against the promise to turn Bangladesh into ‘Golden Bengal’ the ruling elites turned Bangladesh into a “bottom less basket”. The common people viewed this as a national betrayal. They became dejected with the Awami League leadership. Awami League lost the people’s support, which was so vital for any government to govern. Gradually they also lost the support of many powerful quarters within the government itself. Their support within the students, youths and armed forces eroded substantially. An agricultural country Bangladesh is heavily dependent on the nature. It was a gigantic task to feed 100 millions people in a devastated country. The donors and the international communities came forward generously to help Bangladesh in its reconstruction. Till 30 December 1973 Bangladesh received grants and aid credit amounting 1.4 billion US Dollars. Beside through UNROB huge amount of relief assistance was also provided. In spite of this all the hopes and aspirations of the newly independent nation got lost into the nightmare of AWAMI-BKSAL miss rule. AWAMI-BAKSAL period is the dark chapter in the history of Bangladesh. Volumes would not be enough to write the full history. On Jan. 25, 1975 with a stroke of pen Sheikh Mujibur Rahman killed democracy and imposed on the nation the yoke of one party rule of BAKSAL. He snatched away from the people freedom of press, freedom of expression, fundamental rights along with all political rights. All national dailies and periodicals were banned except 4 government-controlled dailies. Constitutional rights of the judiciary were also high jacked and was brought under the administrative control. Rule of law thus was buried. The period of AWAMI-BKSAL rule was full of barbaric atrocities. The history of AWAMI-BKSAL rule was basically history of murder, rape, loot, oppression, plunder, famine, capitulation to the foreign exploiters, white terror and above all betrayal to the spirit of the liberation war. People could never be able to forget those horrifying memories. In the name of socialism they plundered the national wealth, they kept the border open for the smuggling, for their mismanagement of the economy the country got recognized internationally as the ‘bottomless basket’. There was no famine in Bangladesh during or just after the war but hundreds and thousands of people had to die out of the man made famine of’74 during the rule of AWAMI-BKSAL. Sheik Mujib and his government presented the people fascism in the name of democracy, social injustice in the name of socialism, national disunity in the name of Bengali nationalism and communal disharmony in the name of secularism. In this way after subjugating the whole nation in a state of gasping suffocation all the opposition was crushed systematically through state terrorism with a view to close all the constitutional and democratic avenues to bring any change of government. The nation was thrown into an era of total darkness with no hope to breathe afresh. It was Awami League of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman that mortgaged the national independence and state sovereignty signing the 25 years long-term unequal treaty with India. By creating Rakkhi Bahini, Lal Bahini, Sheccha Shebok Bahini and other private Bahinis AWAMI-BKSALISTS unleashed an unbearable reign of terror killing 40000 nationalists and patriotic people with out any trial. On 24th Feb 1975 President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman through a decree announced formation of the only political party of the country Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League or BKSAL. He also declared himself to be the chairman of BKSAL. In the 3rd article of the announcement it was stated, “Till any further order from the President all the members of the Parliament of the defunct Awami League, all its members, Cabinet Ministers, deputy Ministers, state Ministers will be considered as the members of the BKSAL. Bongo Bir Gen. Osmani and Barrister Mainul Hossain decided to defy this order and not to join BKSAL instead they both resigned from their Parliament membership. Due to the announcement of the so-called ‘national party’ all other political parties got abolished. Finally CPB, NAP Muzaffar and Awami League got merged into BKSAL. Out of the 8 opposition members in the Parliament 4 joined BKSAL. On 6 June 1975 the organizational structure and the constitution of BKSAL was announced. That day names of 115 members central committee were announced. In that 115 members—vice President, Prime Minister, speaker, deputy speaker, Ministers, deputy Ministers, state Ministers, 3 Chiefs of the army, navy and airforce, DG BDR, DG JRB and the secretaries of all the ministries were included.


  1. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
  2. Sayed Nazrul Islam
  3. Mansoor Ali
  4. Abdul Hasnat Mohammad Kamruzzaman
  5. Abdul Malek Ukil
  6. Yusuf Ali
  7. Manaranjan Dhar
  8. Mohiuddin Ahmed
  9. Gazi Golam Mustafa
  10. Zillur Rahman
  11. Sheikh Fazlul Haq Moni
  12. Abdur Razzak
  13. Farhad
  14. Mukit


  1. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
  2. Sayed Nazrul Islam
  3. Mansoor Ali
  4. Abdul Malik Ukil
  5. Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmad
  6. H.M Kamaruzzaman
  7. Mahmudullah
  8. Abdus Samad Azad
  9. Yusuf Ali
  10. Fani Bhushan Majumder
  11. Kamal Hussain
  12. Sohrab Hussain
  13. Abdul Mannan
  14. Abdur Rab Shernyabat
  15. Manaranjan Dhar
  16. Abdul Matin
  17. Asaduzzanan
  18. Korban Ali
  19. Azizul Rahman Mallik
  20. Mozzaffar Ahmad Choudhury
  21. Tofayel Ahmad
  22. Shah Moazzam Hossain
  23. Abdul Momen Talukder
  24. Dewan Farid Ganj
  25. Professor Nurul Islam Choudhry,
  26. Taher uddin Thakur,
  27. Moslemuddin Khan,
  28. MD Nurul Islam Manju
  29. AKM Obaidur Rahman
  30. Khitish Chandra Mandal,
  31. Reazuddin Ahmad,
  32. Baitullah,
  33. Rahul Quddus(Secretary),
  34. Zillur Rahman,
  35. Mohiuddin Ahmad MP,
  36. Sheikh Fazlul Haq Moin,
  37. Abdur Razzaq,
  38. Sheikh Shahidul Islam,
  39. Anwar Choudhry,
  40. Sajeda Choudhry,
  41. Taslema Abed,
  42. Abdur Rahim,
  43. Abdul Awal,
  44. Lutfur Rahman,
  45. K. Muzibur Rahman,
  46. Mofiz Choudhry,
  47. Allauddin,
  48. Ahsanul Haq,
  49. Raushan Ali,
  50. Azizur Rahman Akkas,
  51. Sheikh Abdul Aziz,
  52. Salahuddin Yusuf,
  53. Michale Shushil Adhikari,
  54. Kazi Abdul Hakim,
  55. Mollah Jalaluddin,
  56. Shamsuddin Mollah,
  57. Gaur Chandra Bala,
  58. Gazi Ghulam Mustafa,
  59. Shamsul Haq,
  60. Shamsuzzoha,
  61. Rafiqueuddin Bhuiya,
  62. Syed Ahmad,
  63. Shamsur Rahman Khan,
  64. Nurul Haq,
  65. Kazi Zahurul Qayyum,
  66. (Retd) Sujjat Ali,
  67. R. Siddiqui,
  68. MA Wahab,
  69. Chittaranjan Sutar,
  70. Sayeda Razia Banu
  71. Ataur Rahman Khan
  72. Khandakar Muhammad Illyas
  73. Mong Pru Saire
  74. Professor Muzzafar Ahmad
  75. Ataur Rahman
  76. Pir Habibur Rahman
  77. Sayeed Altaf Hussain
  78. Muhammad Farhad
  79. Motia Choudhury
  80. Hazi Danesh
  81. Taufiq Inam(Secretary)
  82. Nurul Islam(Secretary)
  83. Fayezuddin (Secretary)
  84. Mahbubur Rahman(Secretary)
  85. Abdul Khaleque
  86. muzibul Haq (Secretary)
  87. Abdur Rahim(Secretary)
  88. Moinul Islam (Secretary)
  89. Sayeeduzzaman(Secretary)
  90. Anisuzzaman(Secretary)
  91. A Sattar (Secretary)
  92. A Samad(Secretary)
  93. Abu Tahir (Secretary)
  94. Al Hossaini (Secretary)
  95. Dr Tajul Hossain(Secretary)
  96. Motiur Rahman. Chairman. TCB
  97. Gen K.M. Safiullah
  98. Air Vice Marshal Khandakar
  99. Comodore M.H.Khan
  100. Maj Gen. Khalilur Rahman
  101. K. Naziruddin
  102. Abdul Matin Choudhury
  103. Mazharul Islam
  104. Sramul Haq
  105. ATM Syed Hossain
  106. Nurul Islam
  107. Nilima Ibrahim
  108. Nurul Islam PG Hospital
  109. Obaidul Haq Eiditor Observer
  110. Anwar Hossain Manju Editor Ittefaq
  111. Mizanur Rahman BPI
  112. Manawarul Islam
  113. A.M.S. Nuruzzaman DG Jatiyo Rakki Bahini
  114. Kamruzzaman teachers Association
  115. Dr. Mazhar Ali Kadri


In the same declaration 5 sister organisation of BKSAL were also formed:- General Secretaries 1. Jatiyo Krishak league Fani Bhushan Majumdar 2. Jatiyo Sramik league Professor. Yousuf Ali 3. Jatiyo Mahila league Sajeda Choudhury 4. Jatiyo Jubo league Tofayel Ahmed 5. Jatiyo Chattra league Sheikh Shahidul Islam. The general Secretaries nominated were most trusted confidants of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The members of the central committees of these organizations consisted of members taken from CPB, NAP Muzaffar and Jatiyo league of Ataur Rahman Khan.

In accordance with forming of BKSAL on 16 June 1975, News Paper Cancellation Act was promulgated. Under this Act only four nationalized dailies were allowed to be published along with a few weeklies. Rests were all banned. Thus after complete burial of democracy the whole country was subjugated under unprecedented reign of white terror. Being denied of personal security the people was suffocated and became hostages in their own homeland under the tyranny of the autocratic BKSAL rule. The political leaders and workers alike miserably failed to grasp the famous doctrine, “Of the people, by the people and for the people.” Thus people could not achieve their cherished dream in spite of their glorious straggle and sacrifice. All their efforts had got lost once again in the blind alley because of the betrayal of the leadership.